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  • Juridicistic Perversion, decisions and the medical industrial complex

    As an aside to the debate over Shared Decision Making (SDM) vs so-called Quality Improvement (QI). which is focused on methods of decision making at a patient and population level respectively, another (and perhaps less intellectually accessible) problem may well be the question of the decision itself.

    INTRODUCTION

    One specialism within Evidence Based Medicine is Shared Decision Making. There is much debate and research on the ‘best’ ways to share decision about healthcare with patients. This work usually assumes that a patient can be empowered to make a rational and free choice so long as she or he is provided with all the relevant information in an unbiased way.

    My problem with this, the psychology and praxis of SDM, is that people and soon-to-be-patients, and health professionals are always caught up in the moral imperatives imposed by cultural norms so that even the presentation of the option of a health care intervention becomes performative. And that is to say it persuades. The health scientists are driven by a utopian vision of ‘the cure’, the ‘final solution’ of medicine; and patients made fearful and driven to desire more, that is, more of everything (possessions, wealth. Life, security, meaning). These concerns have led me to argue that for anticipatory diagnostic health care aimed at the currently asymptomatic that presenting ‘screening’ enforces a decision and that this undermines autonomy and risks harm in ways that patients and most health professionals are unable to evaluate objectively. There comes a point therefore when, just because a technology is available, it becomes reasonable to withhold the offer of such interventions. In this wildy neoliberal and pragmatic world the very idea of not offering screening interventions must sound ultra-idealistic and utopian. Nonetheless as an idea it has power and such ideas once germinated can grow.

    It is clear that approaches to SDM are worth pursuing as decisions often cannot be avoided.

    However, crucially, for important sectors of care, decisions could be avoided. And this may be especially true for a major arena of care – population-based anticipatory diagnostic screening programmes. These programmes arguably cause more harm than good, and impose an emotional debt on a public made to feel fearful and duty bound to comply.

    I believe too little attention has been given to how, in these modes of care, values and meaning are produced through the power relations between the medical-industrial complex, medical scientist-practitioners, and the public, by:

    a) cultivating totalising fantasies of perfect solutions, cures and preventions;

    b) inciting excessive implementation of interventions by demands for

    c) increasing consumption by an anxious public made fearful.

    These relationships, of power, lead to two problems:

    First, as with the science-industrial complex in general the fantasy or assumption of a final solution, or cure, incites a perverse fanaticism in the professions that demands always more, more science, more cure, more screening uptake, more fire-power, regardless of the consequences.

    This fanaticism takes the form of a self-instrumentalisation in the service of (medical) science – a radical disavowal of the harmful consequences – and what I have called a juridicistic perversion. The psyche of the medical scientist in pursuit of Cure – can only lives with the harms by rejection of socially acceptable conscious norms and becomes an embodiment of the lethal Law that demands more intervention, more innovation and more decisions.

    See:

    ‘Now I am become death, destroyer of worlds’: science, perversion, psychoanalysis, Journal for Cultural Research, 24:4, 315-333, DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2020.1861811

    https://myownprivatemedicine.com/2022/12/11/nedohs-paper-in-the-context-of-the-science-industrial-complex-and-the-invention-of-the-atomic-bomb/

    Below is a copy of Nedoh’s paper, in the context of the science-industrial complex and the invention of the atomic bomb. This illustrates the deformation of the scientific psyche by the totalising ideology of a Totalitarian Law that demands more knowledge regardless of the consequences inciting a kind of bureaucratic or juridical perversion in which the Science for more intervention in the name of absoluteness is fetishized and becomes the fetish object.

    Second, the effect of this demand for (always) more has been to unleash hyperbolic levels of anticipatory or curative technologies, and their harmful consequences.

    APPENDIX – Nedoh’s paper of the science-industrial complex and self-instrumentalisation.

    ‘Now I am become death, destroyer of worlds’: science, perversion, psychoanalysis, Journal for Cultural Research, 24:4, 315-333, DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2020.1861811


    ABSTRACT
    This article offers a critical examination of the contemporary imperative to ‘trust science’ from the point of view of Lacanian psychoanalysis. It begins by putting contemporary scientific research in the twentieth-century historical context of the ‘military- industrial complex’ (D. Eisenhower) in which science and technol- ogy become symbiotically connected to the military. It then exam- ines the psychic structure driving the military-industrial complex in which science (perversely) instrumentalises itself for military pur- poses. This structure is crystalized in two statements of J. Robert Oppenheimer, the principal investigator of the Manhattan Project. In these two statements, Oppenheimer describes this singular invention in terms of being ‘good’ and having ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, which is then bound to an identification with ‘death’ and total destruction in his famous citation of the Bhagavad-Gita. The article then proposes that the psychic structure underpinning this claim corresponds to the Kantian notion of diabolic evil, and then goes on to further conceptualise structure under the concept of ‘bureaucratic science’. The article concludes by showing how such a self-instrumentalization of science does not correspond to the psychoanalytic concept of the death drive, as is usually implied, but rather to the superego defined by Lacan as the ‘imperative to enjoy’.
    “Now I am become death, destroyer of worlds.” (Bhagavad-Gita, cited by J. Robert Oppenheimer, 1945, in Marzec, 2015)
    “I don’t want you to listen to me. I want you to listen to the scientists. I want you to unite behind science and I want you to take a real action.” (Greta Thunberg, 2019, in Volcovici, 2019)


    Introduction
    On 18 September 2019, climate activist Greta Thunberg addressed US Congress in a now historic speech, begging US lawmakers to ‘listen to the scientists’ and to ‘unite behind science’ in order to counteract climate change and the global environmental crisis. Following the growing concern about the catastrophic impact of climate change amongst progressive political groups in Western countries, as well as the persistent climate scepti- cism on the conservative side of the political spectrum, it is no coincidence that the imperative to ‘trust science’ has already become the unquestionable imperative of today’s mainstream Western progressive orientations.


    Yet, despite its noble appearance, such an imperative raises multiple concerns for the critical gaze. At first glance, the imperative is already symptomatic insofar as it is actually the supplement for the missing political programme of the Left, which (follow- ing Žižek’s repetition of Benjamin’s insight that, historically, fascism is a sign of a failed revolution) has created the space for the rise of reactionary populism over the last decade. In other words, after a decades-long series of defeats in the ideological battle against the – then neoliberal and today authoritarian – political paradigms, the political Left is now having recourse to science as an a-political mode of mobilisation in order to simultaneously cover over and supplement its impotency to mobilise the masses with its own political programme. In this respect, it is reductive to restrict such an imperative exclusively to the issue of climate change. The imperative to ‘trust science’ is often taken by progressivists in an almost Kantian sense of the term: as a universal, that is, all- encompassing imperative that operates as a leading principle in all areas of the decision-making process. What is disavowed, here, is that such an imperative is clearly a form of depoliticisation, and as such does not solve the problem, but rather to reinforce it.1
    Now, on a much more fundamental level, such an imperative to ‘trust science’ none- theless raises even more important questions, that go well beyond the bare symptomatic revelation of the absence of a political programme. To introduce the subject of this article, I want to argue that the apparently unconditional imperative to ‘trust science’ raises the following question: To what kind of ‘science’ does such an imperative refer? Put differ- ently, what is the science that, in its logic and structure, suits such an imperative to ‘trust science’? Without asking such tough, yet necessary questions, the imperative to ‘trust science’ or to ‘unite behind science’ may end up being much more ambiguous, even dangerous, than first appears. Not only might such an imperative remain very abstract and empty, but, in so doing, it would neglect the concrete historical context and social structure in which science operates.
    This structure is, as many scholars have documented, far from being neutral. As Marzec (2015) is only the latest critic to show, contemporary mainstream science and technology, including climate science, are not abstract and detached from society and politics, but are actually very concrete structures that belong to a longstanding historical context, stretch- ing back to the first half of the twentieth century, that President Dwight Eisenhower famously called the ‘military-industrial complex’.2 Such a ‘militarised science’ was, for instance, capable of inventing not only creative and emancipatory solutions for humanity and the world, but also very destructive innovations, such as, for instance, the atomic bomb – a weapon that has the potential to terminate all life on Earth. Moreover, the invention of this weapon of mass destruction was done in the name of protecting the world, which ultimately led not only to the conflation of security and insecurity, as Marzec notes, or of biopolitics and thanatopolitics, but also of scientific creation and destruction. As Robert Oppenheimer’s alleged reference to an ancient Hindu verse on 16 July 1945, upon witnessing the first successful detonation of nuclear weapon in the desert of New Mexico, proposed: ‘Now I am become death, the destroyer of the worlds.’ Today still, climate change is one of the primary concerns of US military institutions, from the Department of Defence to the US Army.
    This article offers a critical examination of the contemporary imperative to ‘trust science’ from the point of view of Lacanian psychoanalysis. It begins by putting con- temporary scientific research in the twentieth-century historical context of the ‘military- industrial complex’ (D. Eisenhower) in which science and technology become symbioti- cally connected to the military. It then examines the psychic structure driving the military- industrial complex in which science (perversely) instrumentalises itself for military pur- poses. This structure is crystalized in two statements of J. Robert Oppenheimer, the principal investigator of the Manhattan Project which led to the invention of the atomic bomb. In these two statements, Oppenheimer describes this singular invention in terms of being ‘good’ and having ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, which is then bound to an identi- fication with ‘death’ and total destruction in his famous citation of the Bhagavad-Gita. The article then proposes that the psychic structure underpinning this claim corresponds to the Kantian notion of diabolic evil, and then goes on to further conceptualise structure under the concept of ‘bureaucratic science’. In the last section, drawing on Lacan’s sharp distinction between the death drive and the superego, the article concludes by showing how such a self-instrumentalization of science, which completes itself only in the real possibility of the total destruction of the world, does not correspond to the concept of the death drive, as is usually implied, but rather to the teleological dynamics of desire, the ‘jouissance of transgression’, and to the corresponding concept of superego as defined by Lacan as the ‘imperative of jouissance’ (Lacan, 1998a, p. 3).
    So, my contention will be that the scientific and technological inventions with the widest destructive potential which emerged out of the convergence between science and technology in the military-industrial complex – a convergence that still persists today – would not be possible without the surplus ‘systemic enjoyment’ (Tomšič, 2019; Zupančič, 2020) imposed by the superego – a surplus enjoyment which emerges from the very renunciation of direct subjective enjoyment. Such a systemic enjoyment should not be misunderstood as necessarily related to any kind of individual excessive behaviour, but as operating in the seemingly smooth functioning of the system itself. In short, systemic enjoyment is the effect of the ontological structure, and as such exists even in circum- stances where nobody seemingly enjoys subjectively. Contemporary science and tech- nology are, therefore, the modes of participating in the contradictions that are generated by this ontological surplus, albeit without solving them.
    Science between the teleology of desire and the jouissance of transgression: the case of J. Robert Oppenheimer


    In any discussion of J. Robert Oppenheimer, the project leader of the atomic bomb programme, his reaction to the first successful detonation of a nuclear weapon is invari- ably recalled. As he famously put it on 16 July 1945: ‘Now I have become death, destroyer of worlds.’ However, far less known and discussed is another of his statements, also from 1945, in which he describes the reasons that led him and his team to take and eventually to complete the job of inventing the atomic bomb:


    The reason we did this job is because it is an organic necessity. If you are a scientist you cannot stop such a thing. If you are a scientist you believe that it is good to find out how the world works; that it is good to find out what the realities are . . . It is not possible to be a scientist unless you believe that the knowledge of the world, and the power which this gives, is a thing which is of intrinsic value to humanity, and that you are using it to help in the spread of knowledge, and are willing to take the consequences. (Oppenheimer, cited in Marzec, 2015, p. 33)
    This statement alone brings up several different issues. First, as Marzec rightly pointed out, it is a paradigmatic example of a ‘unidirectional’, ‘teleological’ mode of thinking, which is one of the main characteristics of the twentieth century ‘militarizing scientific and technological research from the ground up’. (Marzec, 2015, p. 32.) On the one hand, the teleology at stake obviously consists in the binding together of the essence of science with the ‘organic necessity’ of inventing the atomic bomb. In other words, when it came to the need to invent the nuclear weapon, Oppenheimer claims, scientists as such could not do otherwise than fully identifying this specific task with the whole idea of science itself. This reduction of science to the ‘organic necessity’ to fulfil the task of inventing the atomic bomb corresponds to a peculiar reversal of the temporality of existence, which is taken here as entirely autonomous of any scientific subjective involvement in the con- stitution of this very same reality itself. By disavowing any role for the subject in the discovery of objective reality, Oppenheimer actually turns the relation between subject and object upside down: the scientist thus become not just an instrument, but an automatic instrument, a tool in the process of discovering a seemingly pre-existing reality (the atomic bomb/weapon of mass destruction). In Marzec’s own words: ‘the scientist true to his or her own profession will assume the mandate of unveiling the secret nature of reality (preforming hard science by confronting hard reality without prejudice) – as if the reality of releasing a force of mass destruction preexisted its own constitution in and through the intellectual activity of a wartime-motivated inquirer.’ (Marzec, 2015, p. 33.) However, there is more at stake here, since Oppenheimer characterises such an ‘organic necessity’ of inventing the nuclear weapon as unequivocally ‘good’. Even more, he claims that such an invention has ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, which implies its universal ethical validity. Finally, if we take this claim together with Oppenheimer’s more famous citation of the old Hindu text, we get the following logical formulation: the supreme universal good (or invention of atomic bomb), which has an ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, is looped back into its own opposite, that is, the ‘death’ and total ‘destruction of the world’.
    This kind of teleological thinking and self-instrumentalization of science for military purposes (the invention of weapon of mass destruction), which is moreover ‘good’ and has ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, immediately evokes Kant’s well-known idea of evil and the inversion of the moral law, even though the latter was usually applied to the US’s chief enemy during WW II: Nazi Germany, and especially the bureaucratic logic of power during the Holocaust. To recall very briefly, Kant’s revolution in ethics in his Critique of Practical Reason (Kant, 2015), consist in inverting the ancient hierarchy between ‘good’ and ‘the law’ upside down. If, for the Ancients, the supreme good was a cornerstone of ethics, and the law was subordinated to it in the form of its external expression/ emanation, Kant inverted this relationship so that the ‘highest good’ is now directly the law as the empty form, devoid of any positive content, and judged only following the criterion of its universal validity. In other words, the Kantian ‘moral law is THE LAW, the form of the law and as such cannot be grounded in a higher principle’. (Deleuze, 1991, p. 83)
    Therefore, the moral law as an empty form is a self-standing, unconditional entity, which is grounded in the pure will alone, and not in any external (natural) causality or subjective pleasure. The unconditional of the moral law is also the reason why Kant considered so- conceived ethical acts as acts of freedom (see Zupančič, 2000). Following this, Kant’s categorical imperative is a formal determination of an act, which is not only in accordance with the moral law as an empty form, but is also motivated entirely and exclusively by the latter – an act of duty from respect of the law. It requires no positive prescription, but only the universal validity of the maxim of the action. As Kant famously puts it: ‘There is, therefore, only a single categorical imperative and it is this: act only in accordance with that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it become a universal law.’ (Kant, 1998, p. 31) On the opposite end of this schema stands what Kant considers the ‘pathological’, or ‘evil’, which is defined negatively with regard to the moral law, that is, as non-self-grounded – an action that derives from and is motivated by the self-interest of the subject (by sensible impulses and subjective pleasure), which is by definition not universal, but particular.
    In the very last session of his Seminar VII, famously entitled by Jacques-Alain Miller as ‘Paradoxes of ethics, or, have you acted in conformity with your desire?’ (Lacan, 1997, pp. 311–325), Lacan returns to Kant’s moral law once again in order to show how this corner- stone of Kant’s ethics opens up a psychoanalytic insight into the dynamics and topology of desire. In contrast to the classical Aristotelian ethic ‘of the possible’, Kant’s moral law as an empty form introduces the ‘void’ at the core of moral experience, which is ‘blind’ to the possible and impossible, so to speak. As we already mentioned, the only demand of the moral law is to act from the duty of the moral law itself – this is the essence of Kantian ‘Thou shalt’. However, as Lacan does not fail to stress, for Kant, it is impossible for human mortals to fully achieve this so-conceived ethical experience in this world (‘nothing on earth satisfies the demands of moral action’, p. 316), rather, they can only infinitely approach the moral law – this is why Kant postulates the ‘immortality of the soul’. Against this background, Lacan then shows how the moral law qua void, and the subject infinitely approaching the moral experience without ever completely reaching it in its totality, correspond precisely to the relation between subject and desire (as desire of the Other). What triggers the meto- nymic sliding of desire from one empirical object to another is not any positive content in the Other, but the object-cause-of-desire, that is, the constitutively lacking object which embodies the void. In line with Kant’s moral law, and in contrast with the ancient ‘ethics of the possible’, Lacan thus posits desire as the ‘incommensurable measure, an infinite measure’ (p. 316), which cannot ever be fully satisfied – desire is always ‘the desire for something else’ (Lacan, 2006d, p. 431). So conceived, desire is not repetitive, but slides from one object to another, which makes it essentially ‘perverse’ and ‘teleological’ – it is ‘tele- ology-without-repetition’, as opposed to the death drive, which is ‘repetition-without- teleology’ (Johnston, 2017, p. 186). Desire is fixed on and oriented towards the point of the ‘beyond’ (object-cause-of-desire) that cannot ever be reached – if one reaches it, one at the same time traverses the limits of desire and enters the domain of Das Ding, which, at the level of Seminar VII, is foreign to the ‘service of the goods’ and ‘responds only to enjoyment, the death drive and to waste’ (De Kesel, 2009, p. 266). This is also the reason why the Law actually imposes the repression of desire (‘law and repressed desire are one and the same thing’, Lacan, 2006a, p. 660), while, with this same gesture, also sets up its own obscene ‘other side’, which consists of the imperative of transgression.


    This imperative to transgress the law fits the double-sided instance of the superego, which Lacan associates with, on the one hand, the (sadistic) sense of guilt (Seminar VII), and, on the other, the imperative of jouissance (Seminar XX). The more the subject attempts to act in conformity with her desire and transgresses the law and enjoys, the more she feels guilty, since the law (symbolic authority) imposes precisely the repression of desire. This is why, later on, alongside the shifts in the ‘paradigms of jouissance’ (Miller, 2000) from the inaccessible jouissance of Das Ding to surplus enjoyment (enjoyment gained from the very renunciation of enjoyment), whereby modern scientific-capitalist knowledge becomes the apparatus of jouissance (see Lacan, 2006c), Lacan also opens up guilt itself as the source of (surplus) enjoyment (see McGowan, 2020).
    Such a self-instrumentalization for the purposes of transgressing the law by ‘obeying orders’ famously attracted the interest of Hannah Arendt when she attended Adolf Eichmann’s trail in 1963 in Israel, and eventually led her to develop her classic thesis on the ‘banality of evil’ (Arendt, 2006 [1964]). For Arendt, there was nothing demoniac in Eichmann, nothing hidden under the surface: Eichmann was not at all a ‘sadistic pervert’. On the contrary, Eichmann was a ‘superficial’, ‘thoughtless’ professional bureaucrat, who only executed the orders of his superiors. He was, in short, a completely ordinary profes- sional employee in a supposedly bureaucratic machine, one that can also be found in the ‘normal’ functioning of power in capitalist democracies. However, although Arendt rightly rejects the idea of any demonic ‘depth’ in Eichmann, and developing instead the concept of the ‘banality of the evil’ (that is, absurdity or superficiality), this thesis requires another shift in perspective. As Žižek has pointed out in his commentary on Arendt’s analysis of Eichmann and the transgression of the law by obeying orders of Nazi bureaucratic power, her analysis does not include one specific and yet a key element of this transgression, which is exactly the element of the obscene systemic enjoyment, related to the super- ego’s injunction to transgress and to enjoy, driving Nazi atrocities (Žižek, 1997, pp. 231–232).3 By rejecting any direct, immediate pleasure in torturing and killing, limiting themselves to only ‘executing orders’ as cold automata, the agents of the Nazi bureau- cratic machine gained an excessive, surplus enjoyment, which Lacan defined precisely as the paradoxical enjoyment that derives from the rejection of immediate enjoyment itself. According to Todd McGowan, the most extreme and clear example of the logic of gaining (surplus) enjoyment from the very renunciation of (direct) enjoyment, is, perhaps, the famous Heinrich Himmler speech to a group of SS officers on 4 October 1943, at the dawn of the ‘Final Solution’. There, Himmler made clear the imperative of duty to sacrifice the material enjoyment for the enjoyment of the ‘cause’: ‘We have the moral right, we had the duty to our people to do it, to kill this people who wanted to kill us. But we do not have the right to enrich ourselves with even one fur, with one Mark, with one cigarette, with one watch, with anything.’ (Himmler, as cited in McGowan, 2020, p. 148). In further commenting upon this passage, McGowan rightly points out how this logic of surplus enjoyment corresponds precisely to the superego’s injunction to transgress (the law) and to enjoy:
    Himmler exposes perfectly how the superego functions in politics. It directs subjects to do what they know violates the law in the name of a higher morality.

    Because the superego enjoins them to transgress the law for a higher cause, it creates enjoyment for them through the burden of guilt that it offers. The strength that Himmler praises is the strength to live with the guilt of the superego and to benefit from the license that it gives the subject to transgress the law. [. . .] Through the superegoic imperative, one can promise followers unrestrained enjoyment while assuring them that one is restoring law and order. The logic of the superego makes this paradoxical politics realizable. (McGowan, 2020, p. 148)


    Ultimately, this omission of the superego’s injunction to transgress and to enjoy is, perhaps, the reason which led Arendt to (wrongly) conclude that Eichmann was not any kind of ‘sadistic pervert’. As Žižek notes, in doing so, she refers to the ‘pre-theoretical’ popular image of perversion, which can be found even in Adorno’s and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment (Adorno and Horkheimer, 2002), according to which there is a demonic dimension in sadism. Eichmann was indeed a pervert, yet not according to the popular image of perversion, which depicts the pervert as a subject obsessed with total domination, but precisely according to the Freudian-Lacanian concept of perversion which refers to nothing but the perverse ‘systemic’ (objective) enjoyment generated by the supposedly pure, cold, instrumental ‘execution of orders’ or the professional workings of power. In other words, the pervert is the one who ‘determines himself as object’ (Lacan, 1998b, p. 185; see also Lacan, 2006a), and self-instrumentalises himself for the purposes of the Other’s ‘total’ enjoyment (enjoyment of God). However, regarding the Nazi atrocities, we are still on the level of what Kant considered radical evil, which is by definition not universal, but particular. In fact, the transgression of law and the ‘sacrifice’ for the ‘cause’ related to it must, in any case, remain publicly hidden, which only multiplies the phantas- matic ‘burden’ on the executioners (see, again, McGowan, 2020, p. 148). As Himmler phrases it in the same speech: ‘Most of you will know what it means when 100 bodies lie together, when there are 500, or when there are 1000. And to have seen this through, and – with the exception of human weaknesses – to have remained decent, has made us hard and is a page of glory never mentioned and never to be mentioned.’ (Himmler, as cited in McGowan, 2020, p. 148).
    Contrary to this disposition, in which the obscene transgression of the law should remain hidden from the public gaze, Lacan points out that Sade’s politics and philosophy take a step further by elevating the (hidden) transgression of the law (and the superego’s injunction to enjoy and to transgress) at the level of the moral law itself, that is, by universalising transgression so that it becomes indistinguishable from the categorical imperative itself – even at the price of the subject’s own death: ‘I showed you one can easily substitute for Kant’s “Thou shalt” the Sadean phantasm of jouissance elevated to the level of imperative – it is, of course, a pure and almost derisory fantasm, but it doesn’t exclude the possibility of its being elevated to a universal law.’ (Lacan, 1997, p. 316) This is why, as Lacan puts it elsewhere, ‘Sade is the truth of Kant’ (Lacan, 2006a). The elevation of the obscene superego’s injunction to transgress and to enjoy at the level of the catego- rical imperative itself, for which the pervert is even ready to sacrifice himself, however, implies the shift from radical evil (banality of evil) to diabolic evil, which Kant develops in his ‘Religion within the boundaries of mere reason’ (Kant, 2005). In fact, ‘diabolical evil’, as Zupančič puts it,
    would occur if we were to elevate opposition to the moral law to the level of the maxim. In this case the maxim would be opposed to the moral law not just ‘negatively’ (as it is in the case of radical evil), but directly. This would imply, for instance, that we would be ready to act contrary to the moral law even if this meant acting contrary to our self-interest and our well- being. We would make it a principle to act against the moral law, and we would stick to this principle no matter what (that is, even if it meant our own death). (Zupančič, 2000, p. 90.)


    In this respect, Sade’s politics is indeed the purest example of diabolical evil precisely in the sense that it elevates transgression and the jouissance related to it to the level of principle. Not surprisingly, Lacan articulated this Sadean jouissance of transgression also in terms of a ‘jouissance of destruction’ (Lacan, 1997, p. 197) insofar as jouissance is by definition harmful to the subject. Jelica Šumič-Riha was thus right to point out that Sadean politics is actually a ‘tyranny of jouissance’ (Šimič-Riha, 2018) – it universalises the injunction to transgress (and to destroy) by elevating it to the level of a moral principle.


    Bureaucratic science as diabolical evil? Jouissance of destruction as moral law
    In the last pages of Seminar VII, Lacan makes it clear that the contemporary social practice that embodies this so-conceived superegoic injunction to transgress and the teleology of desire, is science (twentieth century physics), particularly that which, because of the financial support it receives from political and economic power, implies a ‘payback’, in the form of the technological invention of ‘machines, gadgets, and contraptions’ (Lacan, 1997, p. 325) in the service of that same power. As he puts it: ‘The universal order has to deal with the problem of science in which something is going on whose nature escapes it. Science, which occupies the place of desire, can only be a science of desire in the form of an enormous question mark; and this is doubtless not without a structural cause.’ (p. 325) On the one hand, the ‘question mark’ driving science qua desire, here, corresponds to precisely to the Kantian ‘void’ we discussed above, which makes desire ‘infinite’ or an ‘immeasurable measure’. In other words, science is, here, driven by the desire qua desire of the Other, the void in the Other qua ‘structural cause’, which scientists try to satisfy with the invention of ‘machines, gadgets, and contraptions’ – the atomic bomb which deto- nated in the desert of New Mexico was indeed called a ‘gadget’. In short, science tries to discover/invent precisely object a – the object-cause-of-desire, a constitutively lacking object, which is also the materialisation of the void in the Other (structural cause) (see also Zwart, 2017). As De Kesel points out with regard to the ‘science of desire’, this is the historical place of psychoanalysis, whereby the task of analytic interpretation of desire aims precisely at creating a new knowledge that symbolises excessive unconscious desire (De Kesel, 2009, p. 268).


    Yet, on the other hand, science (physics) tries precisely to repress and avoid at all cost desire as such, thereby neglecting the void in the Other, that is, the structural cause driving its inventions. This is why Lacan stresses in ‘Science and Truth’ ‘that science, if one looks at it closely, has no memory’ (Lacan, 2006b, p. 738), which refers precisely to the foreclosing of this constitutive point of truth (as structural cause). Differently put, science wants know nothing about the truth as the ‘objective dimension of discourse’ (Zupančič, 2011), which implies that the discourse (of science) has also the consequences in the real in the sense of producing its own object (after modern science, nature is no longer considered to be a matter qua substance, but the effect of discourse; see on this also

    Milner, 2020; and, Chiesa, 2016). However, science is ‘blind’ not only for its subjective involvement in co-creating the reality that supposedly pre-exists its discovery/invention, but, most importantly, for structural/discursive causes driving its own ‘desire to know’. As De Kesel pointed out: ‘Any science – and culture in general – that denies desire runs the risk of becoming victim of that “immeasurable measure”.’ (De Kesel, 2009, p. 267) For Lacan, one of the primary victims – with all the consequential burden of ‘guilt’ – of science driven by desire as an ‘immeasurable measure’, about which it wants know nothing, is precisely Robert Oppenheimer (Lacan, 1997, p. 325). To recall Oppenheimer’s longer statement, which we already cited above, it is clear that he understood his own mission in a way that perfectly fits the teleological dynamics of desire, namely, as attached to the object-cause-of-desire (the bomb) as a materialisation of the ‘void’ which is located beyond the existing symbolic framework (‘If you are a scientist you cannot stop such thing. If you are a scientist you believe that it is good to find out how the world works; that it is good to find out what the realities are . . . ’). However, he remained ‘blind’, so to speak, to the fact that the desire ‘to know’ driving the invention of the bomb was actually the desire of the Other (US political power, and, more precisely, the military-industrial com- plex), which he and his team tried to satisfy with the invention of the ‘gadget’, as if the invention of the bomb were a reality pre-existing any subjective involvement (through desire) in the creation/preservation of this reality itself. For Lacan, in fact, desire’s ten- dency to transgress the law in the direction of jouissance and destruction is operative only within the law itself – one cannot transgress the law outside it. Importantly, we here encounter the role of unconscious fantasy (the relation of simultaneous alienation and conjunction – represented by the lozenge sign – between the split subject of the signifier and the object-cause-of-desire – $<>a) as a support for the teleological sliding of unconscious desire. If Zwart (2017) points out that Oppenheimer’s structural position should be grasped – within Lacan’s university discourse (see Lacan, 2006c) – as knowledge in the position of agent, oriented towards object a (bomb) in the position of the other (S2 →a), we should thus add to this consideration that this relation involves also the ‘desire to know’ in the place of knowledge itself. In other words, the relation is driven by the teleological dynamics (not statics) of desire, oriented towards object a as a materialisation of the void. For Lacan, Oppenheimer’s sense of guilt refers precisely to the acknowledgement of the excessive character of desire (and the pleasure related to it), which led him to invent something whose consequences go well beyond his own intention – a weapon that could terminate the entire life on Earth.


    Lacan’s estimation of Oppenheimer’s guilt, here, allegedly refers only to Oppenheimer’s citation of Bhagavad-Gita at the moment of detonation (‘Now I am become death, destroyer of worlds’). However, if we also take into account the latter’s longer statement cited above, the one in which he thinks the invention of the atomic bomb is an ‘organic necessity’ for science, which is, moreover, ‘good’ and has an ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, and we read this claim together with his Bhagavad-Gita quote, we get a more complex picture of science, which shows its closer proximity not simply to Kant’s radical evil, embodied in Nazi bureaucratic machine, but rather to diabolical evil, embo- died in Sade’s elevation of transgression to the level of a categorical imperative. To be sure, Oppenheimer’s statements indeed suggest that the self-instrumentalizing structure driving the invention of the atomic bomb was very similar to the one operating in the Nazi bureaucratic-military machine: the transgression of all symbolic coordinates (existing knowledge) is motivated by a ‘higher cause’ (the invention of the nuclear weapon), which is one and the same with the essence of science, an ‘organic necessity’.
    However, the parallel with Oppenheimer’s case does not stop here, since there are two additional elements which escape the complete convergence between his logic and the logic of the Nazi bureaucratic-military machine. On the one hand, Oppenheimer believes that the invention of the bomb is not only scientifically ‘good’, but has also ‘intrinsic value to humanity’. With this gesture, he does nothing but elevate the invention of the bomb to the level of a universal categorical imperative. On the other hand, however, in a purely Sadean manner, he also acknowledges the very real possibility that this universalisation can be one and the same with the complete annihilation of this very same humanity. This is suggested by his citation of the Bhagavad-Gita at the moment of detonation of the ‘gadget’: ‘I am become death, the destroyer of worlds.’ This claim actually binds together the idea of the invention of the atomic bomb (an ‘organic necessity’ for science), considered to be universally ‘good’ and of an ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, with its own opposite, that is, the ‘death’ and destruction of the worlds. Put differently, the invention of the atomic weapon is ‘good’ for science and has ‘intrinsic value to humanity’, even or especially if this means the total destruction of the planet Earth, including the scientific inventors of the weapon. The highest good of science (the bomb) is looped back into the total annihilation of all and everything. In this respect, again, the total destruction and annihilation is elevated to the level of a maxim – it is not negatively, but directly, opposed to the moral law as an empty form, that is, it has the form of the maxim and hence of the categorical imperative, so that the highest good (the moral law) and absolute (diabolical) evil actually becomes indistinguishable. In this respect, it seems justified to call such a blend of bureaucratic logic and scientific research, induced by the military-industrial complex, a bureaucratic science: a science that elevates the invention of atomic bomb, which can terminate the entire life on Earth, to the level of universal value (‘intrinsic value to humanity’) and becomes indistinguishable from the formal requests of the categorical imperative. Most importantly, and slightly differently with respect to Lacan’s reading of this episode proposed at the end of Seminar VII, Oppenheimer’s quote from the Bhagavad-Gita at the moment of detonation might suggest the reversal (by progression) of ‘guilt’ into the purely perverse identification with the object of jouissance (the bomb) and its consequences (‘you are willing to take the consequences’), which can only bring death to the world. In order to achieve the highest good, the subject now establishes himself as the object, which may fulfil the void in the Other by satisfying its desire, even if this means to ‘become death, the destroyer of words’. It is here that the shift from the ordinary perverse metonymic sliding of desire, supported by the unconscious fantasy ($<>a), to perversion proper is achieved, whereby the latter consists mainly in reversing the position of subject and object in ordinary, neurotic fantasy: ‘Next time, I shall come back to what I have called the structure of perversion. Strictly speaking, it is an inverted effect of the phantasy. It is the subject who determines himself as object, in his encounter with the division of subjectivity.’ (Lacan, 1998b, p. 185; see on this also, Lacan, 2006a).
    In this respect, it is critical to mention Zwart’s observation that the Manhattan Project was a technological project in the first place (Zwart, 2017, p. 89), which, however, was led by a theoretical physicist (Oppenheimer). In other words, the Manhattan project brought together modern scientific knowledge, which Lacan calls savoir, and empirical/technolo- gical know-how, which he calls savoir-faire and associates with the pre-modern practical knowledge of Aristotelian slave. Not surprisingly, in Seminar XX, Lacan associates this difference between knowledge and technological/empirical savoir-faire precisely with the structure of perversion. In fact, he makes clear that perversion is nothing other than this subversion of knowledge itself: ‘People then [after they have observed the not-yet-true perversion in neurotics, related to the perverse, teleological sliding of desire] began to meet perverts – they’re the ones Aristotle didn’t want to see at all costs. There is in them a subversion of behaviour based on savoir-faire, which is linked to knowledge (savoir), knowledge of the nature of things [i.e., empirical, practical knowledge] – there is a direct connection between sexual behaviour and its truth, namely, amorality [referring to Sade as the truth of Kant].’ (Lacan, 1998a, p. 87) In this passage, Lacan makes it clear that the pervert’s fantasy about the knowledge of enjoyment (and consequently the self- instrumentalization of the pervert as the instrument of Other’s enjoyment), and the scientific truth of the knowledge are one and the same thing.


    So, again, in order to grasp the essence of so-conceived bureaucratic science, the idea of radical evil does not suffice – one needs to shift from radical to diabolical evil as an embodiment of Sadean perversion, in which the jouissance of transgression qua (total) destruction is elevated to the level of the moral law itself. Not surprisingly, Arendt herself noted in an overwhelmingly cited passage from Eichmann in Jerusalem that the invention of the nuclear weapon, coupled with the excessive population induced by the growing automaton of production (both of which are direct outcomes of scientific and technolo- gical inventions), the gas chamber would ultimately appear a primitive child’s toy by comparison: ‘The frightening coincidence of the modern population explosion with the discovery of technical devices that, through automation, will make large sections of the population “superfluous” even in terms of labour, and that, through nuclear energy, make it possible to deal with this twofold threat by the use of instruments beside which Hitler’s gassing installations look like an evil child’s fumbling toys, should be enough to make us tremble.’ (Arendt, 2006, p. 273)
    However, as Arthur Bradley has recently shown in his highly original reading of Lacan’s Seminar II alongside the history of automation, the machine and the invention of the atomic bomb, the self-destructive teleology set up by the invention of the atomic bomb stretches back-and-forth across the historical continuum: it originates in the idea of the machine and automation, which goes back to Aristotle’s figure of the slave (a living tool), passes through modern philosophy and the political theory of the machine (Descartes, Hobbes, La Mettrie), and finally ends up in the twentieth-century war machine complex (Bradley, 2019b; 2018). Such a self-destructive teleology reaches its apex in the twentieth century during the Cold War with the invention of a Secure Second Strike Retaliatory System (SSRS) that ‘has the capacity to meet a first or “surprise” strike that destroys its command and control structures with a retaliatory second strike of its own,’ (Bradley, 2019b, p. 106) and thus ensuring the ‘mutually assured destruction of the human race’ (p. 107). In this sense, it seems that the SSRS achieves the ideal of self-destructive diabolical evil by folding its own destruction together with the total destruction of the world, insofar as the system, even when it is already destroyed, nevertheless has the capacity to keep destroying beyond its own death in a kind of Lacanian ‘un-deadly’ manner.

    Ethics (of science) beyond the superego: from science of desire to science as death drive


    In this context, it is also crucial to not conflate this structure of perversion, which relies on identification with the object and the superego’s injunction to enjoy, with the structure of the death drive, which substantially differs from any teleology and self- instrumentalization of the subject for purposes of Other’s jouissance. Lacan himself puts a huge question-mark around Jacques-Alain Miller’s claim in his canonical essay ‘On Perversion’ that we should acknowledge that ‘the drive is by its very nature perverse, and that perversion is the norm of the drive’ (Miller, 1996, p. 313) by arguing that ‘the drive is not perversion. What constitutes the enigmatic character of Freud’s presentation derives precisely from the fact that he wishes to give us a radical structure – in which the subject is not yet placed. On the contrary, what defines perversion is precisely the way in which the subject is placed in it.’ (Lacan, 1998b, pp. 181–182). Far from suggesting we grasp the drive in terms of an a-subjective free-floating energy, in other words, Lacan here relies on Freud’s own theory of the drive from his ‘Drives and Their Vicissitudes’ (Freud, 2001a). Here, Freud indeed develops the concept of the drive as an impersonal constant pressure or force (konstante Kraft), which is, however, structured by passive and active grammatical oppositions (watch/being watched; hear/being heard etc.) and related to the activities of the so-called anatomical erogenous zones on the surface of the body (mouth, eyes, anus and ears). This seems to imply that the drive is indeed structured as an a-subjective, impersonal pressure, yet it is not ‘raw’ material, but rather a very well- composed mechanism – Lacan will call it in the Seminar XI a ‘montage’ (Lacan, 1998b, p. 169). The key for understanding how the drive achieves the shape of a vector repeti- tively circulating around grammatical oppositions is Freud’s original articulation of repres- sion and the point of negativity (castration) at work in it. In fact, as Alenka Zupančič boldly emphasises in her last book What Is Sex? (Zupančič, 2017), there is a persistence of an underlying ontological structure, necessary for the emergence of something like jouis- sance (as different from pleasure), regardless of its changing paradigms. At the core of this structure is what she proposes to call ‘ontological negativity’, which consists of what Freud articulated as the hypothesis of primal repression (Urverdrängung), which fixes the drive:


    We have reason to assume that there is a primal repression, a first phase of repression, which consists in the psychical (ideational) representative of the drive [die psychische (Vorstellungs-) Repräsentanz des Tribes] being denied entrance into the conscious. With this a fixation is established; the representative in question persists unaltered from then onwards and the drive remains attached to it. (Freud, 2001b, p. 148)
    In my view, the greatest attention needs to be paid to this crucial formulation in Freud’s psychoanalysis. Unlike the standard understanding, Freud here clearly says that what is repressed is not the drive itself, but rather its ‘(ideational) representative [(Vorstellungs-) Repräsentanz]’ or the ‘subject’s marker of this representation’ (Zupančič, 2007, p. 39). Importantly, this point of primal repression – that is, the repression of the primal signifier, which was never conscious, because, to the contrary, the very conscious/unconscious distinction emerges on the basis of primal repression – is one and the same as what Lacan formulates in Seminar XI as the ‘necessary fall of one signifier’ (Lacan, 1998b, p. 218) for the emergence of the symbolic order of language, which starts running according to the ‘logic of signifier’ (that is, the (unary) signifier starts representing the subject for other signifiers) only when one signifier is ‘gone missing’ or with ‘one-signifier-less’ (Zupančič, 2017, p. 47). In short, ontological negativity (primal repression) shapes both the drive (circulation around the hole of primal repression) and language (the logic of signifier begins with ‘one-signifier-less’).


    In this respect, Lacan’s death drive amounts not simply to every single partial drive, but to partial drives and the mechanism of repression which shapes drives as partial (Zupančič, 2017, pp. 94–106). This reading has indeed far-reaching consequences, insofar as it reverses Freud’s first articulation of the death drive from his 1921 essay ‘Beyond the Pleasure Principle’. There, Freud famously defined the death drive as the tendency towards the lowering of tension in the human organism to the point of homoeostasis, which finds its final expression in the idea of the return of the subject into inorganic state (see Freud, 2001c, Ch. II). Contrary to this definition, but at the same time following the aforementioned Freudian theory of repression, Lacan’s point is that the death drive has no object outside its circulation, the goal of the drive is precisely the repetitive circulation itself. So, the death drive cannot be grasped in terms of teleology; rather, as Johnston points out, the death drive is a ‘repetition-without-teleology’ – as opposed to desire as ‘teleology-without-repetition’ (Johnston, 2017, p. 186). In this way, the death drive is rather a repetitive excess set up by the structure which involves ontological negativity, an excess which persists beyond life and death, because it is actually indifferent to them.
    So, to sum up what we have just shown, primal repression fixes the drives, and, at the same time, also triggers the whole mechanism of (secondary) repressions of all represen- tations that are by association connected with primal repression. Secondary repressions are ordinary, everyday repressions, and as such are essentially ‘after- pressions’. Most importantly, in Seminar XX, Lacan highlights the exact temporal moment in which repression (based on primal repression) occurs: ‘From the moment he [a baby] begins to speak, from that exact moment onward and not before, I can understand that there is [such a thing] as repression.’ (Lacan, 1998a, p. 56) In short, when the baby becomes a speaking being in a strict sense by speaking its first words, the whole mechanism of repression (including the point of primal repression) is there – not earlier, not later, but simultaneously with the beginning of the speech. This structural primacy of (primal) repression also reaffirms Lacan’s early statement from Seminar XI, according to which ‘with regard to the agency of sexuality, all subjects are equal, from the child to the adult’ (Lacan, 1998b, pp. 176–7). So, the drive is shaped by the mechanism of repression, and revolves around the point of negativity or primal repression, while the mechanism of repression starts running at the moment when the child subject starts speaking its first words. The drive is therefore essentially pre-Oedipal (although not pre-linguistic or preceding castration, as Miller rightly stresses), insofar as the Oedipus complex, which is grounded on the acknowledged difference between the sexes (via the gaze on mother’s genitals lacking penis), emerges later on in the development of the psychic-libidinal life of the child.
    Conversely, the superego (in all its variations) is essentially post-Oedipal, insofar as it is set up as a ‘decline’ from the Oedipus complex with the emergence of the symbolic law (the symbolic father), conceived as an instance of symbolic prohibition/repression of desire of the mother. More precisely, following Freud’s most complex articulation of the superego in the third chapter ‘The Ego and the Super-ego (Ego Ideal)’ of his essay ‘The Ego and the Id’ (1923) (Freud, 2001d, Ch. III, pp. 28–39), the Oedipus complex can be solved in two different ways: ‘either an identification with his mother or an intensification of his identification with his father.’ (Freud, 2001d, p. 32) However, the ‘means’ for solving the Oedipus complex is the constitution of a fully developed superego, which derives from early unconscious libidinal investments and consists not only in the symbolic law/ideal as the agency of identification (the image of the father), but also in the prohibition (of the mother as the object of child’s satisfaction, that is, his object-cathexis). As Freud puts it:
    The super-ego is, however, not simply a residue of the earliest object-choice of the id; it also represents an energetic reaction-formation against those choices. Its relation to the ego is not exhausted by the precept: ‘You ought to be like this (like your father).’ It also comprises the prohibition: ‘You may not be like this (like your father) – that is, you may not do all that he does; some things are his prerogative.’ This double aspect of the ego ideal derives from the fact that the ego ideal had the task of repressing the Oedipus complex; indeed, it is to that revolutionary event that it owes its existence. (Freud, 2001d, p. 34)
    The main point is therefore that the superego emerges out of the Oedipus complex and constitutes itself as the agency that represses this very same complex. And it does this by binding the libidinal investments of the drives, which are already shaped by negativity (primal repression), with the symbolic agency of the father (symbolic law). However, this binding is itself contradictory and sadistic towards the subject insofar as it imposes upon it two contradictory injunctions: be like him, and do not be like him. The prohibition at stake indeed refers to the prohibition of the mother as the object of satisfaction, which is, in turn, also the exclusive object of the father’s libidinal satisfaction. This means that the symbolic law itself is perverted, yet, to borrow Andreja Zevnik’s formulation, this ‘perver- sion of law is complete only in the face of the superego’ (Zevnik, 2016, p. 222; see also, 2013). The essential trait of the superego (as the obscene other side of symbolic law) thus lies, as Joan Copjec remarks, in prohibiting something (and in imposing the transgression of this prohibition), but also in never saying what this prohibited object is (the mother’s desire as desire of the Other is essentially enigmatic, just as the Kantian ‘void’ we discussed above): ‘The prohibition proper to the superego renders something unsayable and undoable, to be sure, but it does not say what we should not say or do; it merely imposes a limit that makes everything we do and say seem as nought compared to what we cannot.’ (Copjec, 2015, p. 236) So, the superego does not say what lies beyond the prohibition because the prohibited constitutively defies symbolisation and exists only by being permanently (phantasmatically) displaced into infinity. As Lacan does not fail to add in this regard: ‘That is why the superego, which I qualified earlier as based on the (imperative) “Enjoy!”, is a correlative of castration, the latter being the sign with which an avowal dresses itself up (se pare), the avowal that jouissance of the Other, of the body of the Other, is promoted only on the basis of infinity (de l’infinitude).’ (Lacan, 1998a, pp. 7–8) If castration (ontological negativity qua primal repression) fixes the drive and frames it as partial in relation to the fulfilment of sexuality, one should note that the drive, by circulating around the constitutively missing signifier, is actually indifferent to this very same fulfilment – the goal of the drive is not satisfaction, but repetition/circulation itself (Zupančič, 2017, p. 104). Satisfaction/enjoyment is only an (essential) by-product of circulation. The phenomenon that is attached to this missing object of full satisfaction is therefore not the drive, but desire – the object of the drive is, for Lacan, also the object-cause-of-desire, since the lack of total satisfaction triggers the metonymic (teleological) sliding of desire from one empirical object to another. Being a ‘correlative of castration’, the superego binds up the constitutively missing object with the symbolic prohibition, and – most importantly – replaces the ontological impossibility of full satisfaction with the subject’s impotency of reaching the indefinite object that the superego prohibits – which indeed generates in the subject its sense of guilt, while at the same time imposes the injunction to transgress.


    To sum up, the death drive as an ethical category does not impose the commandment to enjoy over the subject. On the contrary, the death drive in its silent repetitive circula- tion is rather indifferent towards enjoyment – it can kill the subject, even if the subject enjoys this self-annihilation. This is also the reason why Lacan in Seminar XX clearly rejects the reduction of the drive to the level of any kind of knowledge-oriented force. More specifically, the Freudian idea of the ‘drive to know’ is directly contradicted by the self- referential structure of the drive, which, according to Lacan, is never the drive towards something. Lacan makes this clear in Seminar XX by rejecting the Freudian idea of ‘drive [trieb] for knowledge’, claiming that ‘“there’s no such thing as a desire to know,” that famous Wissentrieb Freud points to somewhere.’ (Lacan, 1998a, p. 105) In any case, the ‘killing of the subject’ at stake in the death drive aims at the subject’s symbolic identity, not its physical annihilation, while the superego and teleology of desire would rather turn this picture upside down: the superego’s injunction to transgress and to enjoy may even physically kill the subject in order to preserve his or her symbolic identity, which is always given by the Other. Thus, the difference between the superego and the death drive corresponds to the difference between the demand (of the drive), which emerges on the very place of structural impossibility of total enjoyment as a surplus/excess, and the imperative (of the superego), whereby the latter actually replaces the structural impossi- bility of total enjoyment with subject’s impotency to achieve this phantasmatic totality of jouissance.
    Conclusion
    In drawing this article to a close, I would like to refer the difference between the death drive and the superego, as well as the perverse self-instrumentalization of the subject corresponding to the latter, to Lacan’s inversion of the question ‘Is psychoanalysis a science?’ (that is, is there a homology between psychoanalytic discourse and the discourse of science) into the more accurate and far-reaching question ‘What would a science be that included psychoanalysis?’ (Lacan, 2001, p. 187; on this see Johnston, 2013, pp. 39sq; and, Johnston, 2019a, Ch. 13–15), which suggests a non-homology between psychoanalytic discourse and the discourse of science in the first place. So, rather than implying a scientific status for the psychoanalytic clinic, the question ‘what would a science be that included psychoanalysis?’ points in the direction of the psycho- analytic clinic of science itself. As we have seen, at the level of Seminar VII, Lacan’s answer to this question is a ‘science of desire’, that is, a science that takes as its object of analysis its own unconscious desire, about which it otherwise wants know nothing. This implies a ‘de-teleologization’ of desire and its detachment from the superego’s injunction to transgress by creating a new knowledge (via analytic interpretation) that would bring desire into the picture (De Kesel). However, following Lacan, the latter can occur only through the hysterization of the subject of science so to speak, which would move the science from university discourse, in which the science qua technology is in ‘the service of goods’, to something like ‘hysterical scientific discourse’ as a precondition for the sub- jective destitution of the subject of science. At the end of his teaching, following the changes in ‘paradigms of jouissance’ (Miller) and the shift in psychoanalytic ethics from desire to the death drive, this attempt to detach science from the superego appears in the form of Lacan’s equation of science with the death drive, which, as Johnston notes (Johnston, 2019b, p. 167), occurs in Lacan’s (final) Seminar XXV Le moment du conclure (Lacan, 1977–1978, session of 20 December 1977) in the context of his criticism of the mathematisation of psychoanalytic knowledge that he advocated during previous period of his teaching. Just as in Seminar VII desire is something unconscious, which needs to be interpreted and symbolised, but modern science wants to know nothing about, so are the death drive and jouissance in Lacan’s final seminars (see, again, Johnston, 2019b) some- thing that need to be psychoanalytically ‘deduced’ through interpretation (Miller), but modern science wants to know nothing about. In both cases, we are dealing with the attempt to articulate the ‘truth as cause’ (Lacan, 2006b, p. 738), whereby the latter means the material/structural cause as different from formal cause that science usually deals with, and is coextensive with the separation between jouissance and superego as one of the primary goals of psychoanalytic clinic. This separation is precisely the place of the death drive as pre-Oedipal, yet not pre-linguistic (since it is shaped by castration, that is, by the ‘hole’ in the Other).


    In this respect, it could be said that if modern science represses its own desire and remains ‘blind’ for the fact that the ‘truth’ is the consequence of the discourse and does not pre-exists the latter, the majority of contemporary science under the rule of the military-industrial complex does not simply repress its own desire and disavows the consequences of the scientific discourse. As Oppenheimer says, ‘you are willing to take consequences’, even if this consequence means total destruction of the world. This statement alone, however, should not be understood in terms of subjective destitution, but rather as a properly perverse self-instrumentalization for the purposes of the Other’s jouissance. If Freud famously defined the goal of psychoanalytic practice with the formula Wo Es war, soll Ich werden (‘where the Id was, there the Ego shall be’), Oppenheimer actually turns this formula upside down: now the ego instrumen- talises itself by way of embodying the object of jouissance of destruction and, simultaneously, starts speaking on behalf of the truth, whereby the latter, for Lacan, can only speak half-way in the first person (‘I, truth, am speaking’; see Zupančič, 2011). In other words, contemporary science forecloses the truth not simply by repressing it, but precisely by (perversely) speaking directly on its behalf – it disavows the con- sequences of the discourse of science in the real by way of talking about the real all the time. So, the question is not should we trust scientists or not, but, rather, does science trust truth as the effect of discourse or not.

    Notes

    1. I owe this insight to Arthur Bradley. Moreover, as Bradley himself suggested recently in his brilliant Unbearable Life, Robespierre and the Jacobins’ conception of politics was exactly the opposite of contemporary depoliticisation, namely, they conceived politics as a kind of

    groundless decision, taken in a void, that is, in a space devoid of any external principles or
    ‘guarantees’ (Bradley, 2019a, pp. 136–139).

    1. To be sure, although there is indeed a tectonic change in scientific research represented by
      the emergence of the ‘scientific-military complex’, some germs of this ‘militarization of science’ can be found already in the late nineteenth century paradigmatic shift in physics, where modern physics (relativity, radiation, the subatomic realm etc.) replaced a classical (Newtonian) paradigm that had been in force until that point. I owe this point to Adrian Johnston.
    2. To the best of my knowledge, Cory Han-yu Huang’s contribution (Han-yu Huang, 2009) is one of the rare attempts to systematically conceptualise Arendt’s insights on the banality of evil not by directly referring to Kant’s concept of radical evil, but instead along psychoanalytic conceptualisation of the structure of perversion, including the concept of superego, as conceptualised by Lacan and then Žižek – that is, as an imperative of jouissance.
      Acknowledgments
      I am deeply grateful to Arthur Bradley and Adrian Johnston for their invaluable comments and suggestions on early versions of this article, as well as for many discussions on this theme. I am also grateful to JCR editors Mick Dillon and Scott Wilson for considering this article. I am particularly indebted to Scott Wilson and two anonymous reviewers for their pointed comments and sugges- tions on an earlier draft of this paper. A special thanks goes also to Giovanni Bettini, Peter Klepec, Alenka Zupančič, and my wife Jerneja Brumen for many discussions on topics closely related to this article.
      Disclosure statement
      No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
      Funding
      This article is a result of the research programme P6-0014 ‘Conditions and Problems of Contemporary Philosophy’, the research project J6-9392 ‘The Problem of Objectivity and Fiction in Contemporary Philosophy’, the research project J5-1794 ‘The Break in Tradition: Hannah Arendt and Conceptual Change’, and the research project J6-2589 ‘Structure and Genealogy of Perversion in Contemporary Philosophy, Politics, and Art’, which are funded by the Slovenian Research Agency.
      Notes on contributors
      Boštjan Nedoh is a Research Fellow at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Philosophy. He works at the intersection between contemporary continental philosophy, psychoanalysis, biopolitical theory, and political theology. He is a co-editor (with Andreja Zevnik) of the volume Lacan and Deleuze: A Disjunctive Synthesis (Edinburgh University Press, 2017) and author of the book Ontology and Perversion: Deleuze, Agamben, Lacan (Rowman and Littlefield International, 2019).

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  • Artistic Perspective on narcissism – & monster surgeon UK 2022

    Monster? Advisedly so: totalising powerful irresistible urge to mutilate and destroy, even beyond death, his phobic object: woman; and to “enjoy” agonistically, his fetish: the cleavage
  • Narcissistic Perversion, the capitalist discourse and the totalitarian psyche.

    Whilst barbarism predates capitalism, and the pre-secular psyche was dominated by a transcendent Master (of the Gods and religions) and immortality (a form of surplus-value) via sacrifice, capitalism with its immanent and earthly source of immortality (profit, surplus-value via the surprisingly compliant and enslaved – and earthly – waged labour-force) may manifest a different kind of barbarism: possibly a barbarism directed, in the end, at the ‘self’; wherein the self (and castration) is rejected in favor of its replacement by lack posing as Master.

    This is consistent with the (impossible fifth) capitalist discourse, of Lacan)

    https://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/filozofski-vestnik/article/download/9838/9002

    impossible, perhaps, in the sense that it leads to self-destruction and the death of humanity. It is also consistent with a psychic structure (structure may be too strong a word) for narcissistic perversion.

    If capitalism (neoliberal economic radical empiricism), incites a turn to narcissistic perversion, it may also incite a turn to bureaucratic perversion – the rejection of castration in favor of both radical disavowal of the unconscious and self-instrumentalised identification with the law (as in an Eichmann like radical banality of evil): the Totalitarian psyche.

    Is capitalism responsible for a ‘strict’ law inciting fascism and a demand for racist destruction of the other? Possibly, yes, because the fantasy of endless economic-growth, limitless personal wealth and even immortality, structures the capitalist psyche of today, and demands, strictly, exploitation and consumption.

    Capitalism is a Strict Master: strict, in that:

    ◦ It bans dissent (mainstream media obeisance to the billionaire oligarchy)

    ◦ Controls the public psyche (advertising)

    ◦ is hyperbolic (the empty signifier ‘Growth’ dominates public/political discourse)

    ◦ Threatens with nameless punishments without end – destitution and exile

    ◦ Preaches xenophobia – the worthlessness of the economically non-productive unemployed and elderly, and hatred of the foreigner.

  • ON STRICTNESS, “JURIDICAL PERVERSION” AND DEATH-COVETING FASCISM

    [individual/systemic, diabolical/radical, agentic/agens, bureaucratic/narcissistic]

    A ‘strict’ law is said to have been part of the rise of Nazism, (Vadolas p140), inciting and producing the “death-coveting element of fascism” – but also producing guilt at the conflict between an instinct to care/love for the other and the demanded destruction, this creates an emotionally exhausting conflict with the caring ideal ego (how I see myself) and the superego (monitors compliance with ideal ego) which has been described as the cause of burnout in caring professions, (Vanheule).

    This guilt troubles the stability of the psyche and may incite one of four possibilities :

    a) a restoration of the law (the hysteric may secure a subjectivity as far as this is ever possible, via this Law): or

    b) abandonment of that law, in favor of (castration by) another Law, or big Other as a more or less active (neurotic or hysteric) dissident, which Vadolas , wrongly in my view, described as perversion; or

    c) a total rejection of castration by the social signifying structure (the Other of the Unconscious?) but a continued effort to acquire agentic subjectivity and sense of self, and a failing effort to manage the jouissance of lack via the individual’s own Law (the narcissistic perversion); or

    d) abandonment of castration by that strict Law, or any other law, and an abandonment of the quest for agentic subjectivity in favor of a total self-instrumentalisation as agens or embodiment of the strict (fascist) law, identifying with the law and acting to enforce the law at all costs, unthinkingly, with a radical disavowal of the unconscious, and of any need to care for the lives of those to be destroyed by command of the Law.

    For perversion there are two forms: bureaucratic and narcissistic.

    I suggest (tentatively and provisionally) that in case d) above abandonment equates to the totalitarian psyche’s bureaucratic perversion and radical disavowal of the other and abandonment of subjectivity itself in this context / a radical self-instrumentalisation. And, a banal radical evil.

    This bureaucratic perverts acts a Agens for the law.

    At the same time, in c) above, the stricter the law, the more it causes guilt and leaks and incites abandonment in the form of a narcissistic perversion – contra Vadolas’ theorisation this is due to the attempt to assuage lack through the Law of an Other with its origins within the psyche of the individual and not from any social signifying structure. And, a diabolical evil, more likely associated with the death-drive than the bureaucratic self-instrumentalisation.

    The bureaucratic pervert is not formed via one of Lacan’s four discourse structures since the radical disavowal and identification with the law effectively puts the individual in the position of unthinking object, as if a willing slave, not affected by a subject’s division as in the Master discourse.

    The narcissistic pervert is also not part of the four discourses since its psychic structure may correspond to, or at least touch upon fleetingly, the (impossible) ‘little inversion’ of the capitalist discourse structure. (EXPAND and check Ferraro)

    This differs from Vadolas’ account where hysteric and pervert are both structured by the Master discourse where the hysteric attempts to relate to the law and the pervert to subvert the law. (TO QUOTE).

    A strict Law – and fascism; the effects of strictness as a kind of, or even equivalent to, authoritarianism. The stricter the law the more likely to destabilize neurotic and hysteric subjectivity.

    Because the strictness and it’s Laws are also vague enough to condemn everyone of sin, by condemning and outing the sinful, in more ways than one, then the more the individual makes and effort is made to prove ‘goodness’.

    The strict law often (maybe always?) involves identification of a sinful ‘other’ – other sexuality, culture, color, religion etc.

    “He (Hitler) wanted strict laws to prohibit political opposition and to deal with dissidents and resistors.” (Vadolas)

    Strictness, as part of a Master discourse, has four tendencies, also found in fascism/totalitarianism:

    1. Forbid dissent legally

    “The process of crafting a Nazi society was called Gleichschaltung, which translates as ‘moulding into shape’ or ‘forced co-ordination’.”

    2. Mould (as in his ‘ideal’) in his image = controlling values and beliefs (sentiments) – eg laws controlling behaviours (smoking, drug use, prostitution)

    3. The strict (authoritarian) Masters make Laws via empty signifiers (Law and Order a common one, others eg Final Solution, The Bomb. The Cure) that always leave doubt about meaning and therefore the impossibility of adequate obedience, and the possibility of being always already sinful (and guilty) : and the interpellation, the instrumentalisation by the Master’s Law, all the more powerful.

    4. Strictness may have a tendency to be hyperbolic increase over time as the more or less instrumentalised servant/managers fail to be totally subservient or even rebel. Actual and fear of possible, rebellion/dissent fuels strictness by the insecure Masters.

    4. Increasing strictness takes advantage of, or uses, the power of tribalism, the power of a kind of mass hysteria or crowd or herd like unity to foster the implication that foreign (not of our herd or kind) others, ‘they’, are a threat to ‘us’ and the cause of failure to achieve more power, economic growth etc – so xenophobic and racist discourse grows.

    What is strictness? It commands via seemingly specific examples but also via a generality of unknown sins, so the commanded is always sinning, always guilty (never ‘good’ enough for the Master), and also commands via the threat of terrible punishments also unknown which makes them more terrifying, but at the very least disapproval for letting down the Master you strive to emulate / to be: hard-working and ‘good’ and even omnipotent. But, as with the psychic castration one can never be like the father , because the father’s desire, the mother, is forbidden.

    With Paterson (see below) the strict law could, for example, be from his own father figure growing up. For any individual this would be a possibility. But the state also can impose ‘strict laws’ evoking guilt and unease pressing for even enhanced consolidation of the law (bureaucratic perversion? Or abandonment – the narcissistic version of perversion. Note Meadow was a trophy child. (QV)

    As another inquest opens into UK breast surgeon Paterson, (NEED SUMMARY or link to chapter in thesis) this time regarding his alleged role in the deaths of several women, this is an apposite time to look at plausible explanations for the behaviours of medical personnel that appear to be examples of narcissistic perversion. So, what would constitute a plausible explanation? Surely only one that is able to account, in terms of psychic structures and their relation to societal norms, for monstrous levels of destruction of other humans. We can remember and reflect on the behavior of Professor Sir Roy Meadow and the terrible consequences of his now discredited law and characterization of the perpetrators of MSBP. And today we see a Mr Paterson, sentenced to 20 yrs for extraordinary levels of ‘over-treatment’ for false and deliberately fabricated diagnoses of cancer and intended bodily harm to women , and about to be subject to a further inquest into the deaths of seven other women. through ‘under-treatment’ for cancer, using cleavage-sparing techniques proscribed by official surgical guidelines.

    Such shockingly barbaric behavior by a surgeon to inflict gruesome injuries on hundreds of innocent unsuspecting women on the basis of a false and deliberately fabricated diagnosis of cancer can be plausibly explained by the structure of narcissistic perversion outlined above.

    Paterson’s behaviour is, I suggest, consistent with a psyche that:

    a) rejected castration by a social Other, here for example, the professions guidelines on surgical procedures and social norms on probity;

    b) therefore, radically disavowed the unconscious (the social signifying structure for those held-in-common social norms;

    c) attempted to retrieve subjectivity driven by a need to evade the horror of a subjective void and the death drive;

    d) by living according to Paterson’s own law: to “Enjoy this little as much as possible!” Where enjoyment refers to the feelings of agonistic ecstasy: ‘jouissance’ produced and discharged through the evasion and production of identity via repetition without teleology in the symbolic: the death drive . And, where ‘this little’ refers to the destruction of women’s lives under the surgeon’s knife.

    The woman’s body comes to represent the object à, but also the horror of the subjective void represented by the (m)other. The (m)other here representing the mother figure of the pre-linguistic and pre-Oedipal phase associated with the presence and then the loss, via language and castration of psychic and bodily unity with the mother.

    Paterson’s attempt to obtain a sense of self is, ironically, actually subverted by being through his own law, since ‘he’ is always already without subjectivity or any possibility of effective law giving since he rejected castration. He cannot make sense of himself by his non-existent self. Each attempt via destruction of a (m)other fails to achieve subjectivity stability, only serves to repeat his feelings of instability and subjective nothingness producing more jouissance and driving more destruction.

    Paterson’s law, of narcissistic perversion, is diabolically evil in a Kantian sense, because for Paterson it becomes duty for duty’s sake, the denial and absence of a socially signifying structural Other that decides our duty for us, and a Kantian categorical imperative – a maxim through which Paterson wills it becomes a maxim for everybody to live by.

    We should note well, that such plausible explanations may also be extended to a different and totalitarian psychic structure: the perversion of health-scientists self-instrumentalised by identifying with the Law of Science demanding The Cure of or Perfect Prophylactic for disease and especially Cancer.

    These bureaucratic and totalitarian perversions represent a banality of radical (as opposed to diabolical)evil represented and paralleled by the self-instrumentalisation by scientists in their search for the atomic bomb. This structure helps to account for the continued expansion of anticipatory and medicalising technologies despite their harmful consequences.

    The systemic perversion of (scientific) knowledge demands the subjects self-instrumentalisation: as non-agentic Agens for an illusory socially utilitarian programme that has no locatable endpoint. The banality of radical evil.

  • Why Politics and Evidence Based Health Sciences are stuck in an age of barbarism

    Our subjectivities and public sentiment towards political policy, and scientific technology are in thrall to the discourse of pragmatism:

    This denies our freedom to choose other voices.

    Three main political discursive forces are at work:

    1. The underlying philosophy of radical empiricism, so-called liberal humanism, and the view of the human as master of his own thoughts, values and destiny

    2. The trenchant right-wing critique of the idea of ideology (itself ideological of course),

    3. The idea of limitless scientific innovation in the search for solutions as necessarily a ‘good thing’ for humanity,

    These three forces have all negated political and scientific potential to prioritize individual autonomy of decision-making and therefore the potential for these decisions to be part of work to benefit the community, so to speak.

    Radical Empiricism is a philosophy that is more likely to be believed by, or at least to encourage or even justify the beliefs and values of, individual libertarianism, ultra right wing fanatic and perverse narcissistic psychopaths inclined to totalitarian and fascist polities. As opposed to say, communitarian libertarian polities. But, at the same time it can be used to justify authoritarianism if either a left (ostensibly communitarian: promoting re-distribution of wealth) or right-wing (ostensibly individualist: promoting individualist wealth ‘creation’) politics.

    Quote from James 1904 on radical empiricism:

    “the only things that shall be debatable among philosophers shall be things definable in terms drawn from experience”

    This effectively bans debate on the role of imagination and fantasy and of social structure constituting values and thoughts. And, for James, this is sufficient for a world view.

    “a given undivided portion of experience” (1912) … “figures as a thought”

    a ‘thick’ description of experience being subjective and objective simultaneously.

    “Being pragmatic” as opposed to ideological is sometimes used as a selling point to attract voters by politicians. However, it is actually very poorly disguised code for being conservative, which today in the UK, means being right-wing. It also, denigrates the concept of ideology or ideological critique as if ‘being ideological’ implies an incapacity to be flexible to make compromise which is nonsense.

    Being ideological can encompass varying degrees of commitment to this or that dogma.

    The terminology is confusing – here is a brief primer:

    Many conservatives of an individual libertarian persuasion (in general politically selfish and elitist in outlook) are ‘liberal humanists’ and ‘anti-woke’,

    which means they conceive of the individual as a sovereign autonomous decision maker with an unchanging human nature.

    Consider the contrast between materialism and idealism:

    Materialists (Lacanians and Marxists and other post modern critical theorists) believe in ideology creating fantasy and using imagination through socio-economic structures as the basis for human subjectivity: the determination of ideas and values and desires.

    On the other hand, by contrast, idealists (the individualist libertarians and pragmatic liberal humanists) believe the sovereign, autonomous and rational individual mind of modernity is the basis for human identity.

    Historical materialists (such as Marx) believe that social structures necessary for survival shape human thought and values, and for example make waged labour appear not just necessary but legitimate and just.

    Idealists (as opposed to materialists) such as Hegel, believed that it is thought and ideas that (progressively) change the material world and not the other way round. So, radical empirical pragmatists are idealists who think their thoughts on both: a)choice of target problem; as well as b) of proposed solution, will provide a progressive advance for humanity in general. They choose a specific target problem, and outcome, think of a solution, see that, as radical empiricist, as a thought, as good as empirical evidence and justification for action , and so treat that solution as an effective truth and put that solution into operation – regardless of collateral harms or unintended consequences.

    For example this radical empirical pragmatic approach endlessly proliferates (profitable) technologies for earlier and earlier diagnosis of cancer regardless of harms and over diagnosis.

    Being ideological isn’t something any individual has a choice about. It means that every individual’s values and actions are to a large extent determined by cultural upbringing and whilst choices are possible, and there is agency, this is always constrained within existing social or cultural limits. Ideology as a determinant of values is the only plausible explanation for the astonishing phenomena of recent and contemporary barbaric fascism as exercised, for example, by states such as Israel. By claiming to be pragmatic today a politician is always necessarily already being ideological and exposing his or her obeisance to a culture of right-wing conservatism that favors entitled elitism, nationalism, competition, politics of envy, and resists wealth re distribution (socialism), and adequate public welfare for those in need. His or speech is performative in the sense that it demands similar obeisance from others to. It is a master discourse in Lacanian terms.

    “Being ideological”: For practitioners and influencers, note that being ideological is a derogatory idea used to discredit critique based on Marxist theory. Marxist theory – alongside what is known in general as post structuralism – claims that the psyche and our conscious values are directed constructed by society’s economic framework for survival – and provide fantasies for social identities that value profit over re-distribution of wealth.

    So far, so good.

    The critique of neoliberalism by Marxism and post-structuralism suggests that, within contemporary social structural constraints at least, it is possible to find other values, and other effective truths (knowledge sufficient to guide action to achieve certain target outcomes).

    The dominant contemporary 2022 paradigm for humanity and its knowledge, epitomized by EBM and evidence based public health care and purchasing, most crucially implicitly (and quite silently) denies any ideological basis to human thinking capable of finding and using knowledge, as effective truths, to guide action. To put this differently, the Marxist approach to ideology (which includes the notion that we are always all inevitably being ideological) encompasses the notion that there are, confusingly, material influences that can determine our basic ideas in terms of our values and thoughts – what has been called (historical materialism). The key point is that contemporary dominant scientific knowledge creation claims to be able to avoid being ideological, and that its praxis (being pragmatic according to conservative values in the quest for power/profit/innovation/solutions to profitable questions) can safely assume the public can also avoid being ideological. That is, it assumes scientific knowledge creation and the public and individual capacity for decision-making can proceed as if independent of material social structures and circumstances.

    This then is why ‘being ideological’ is code for being anti-social and Marxist, and prone to delusional thinking about knowledge and the possibility of so-called multiple truths.

    However, my Marxist and Lacanian, claim that it is only by considering the human psyche as inevitable ideological: constructed in terms of its values and the things it knows and other things if appears not to know, that we can begin to provide a plausible explanation for the surprising, frightening and horrifying, spectacle of humanity’s capacity to inflict so much cruel barbarism on so much of the human population. Only by thinking of the psyche as able to be in apparent total denial of the value of the lives of ‘certain’ others can we begin to explain the barbarism that abounds in the world.

    Applying these ideas to the medical-industrial complex and it’s search for prevention through screening:

    For example, leaving global politics, apartheid, immigration policies, destruction of public services and austerity aside, at a more mundane level, it is how we could plausibly explain, at a psychic level, why official (political) scientific advice and public sentiment feels able to pursue population-based diagnostic screening programs such as breast cancer screening that causes so much direct harm, so much over-diagnosis, and still leads to a failure to reduce all-cause mortality despite reducing breast cancer deaths, (with the logical conclusion that screening must cause deaths from other causes, plausibly from surgical intervention or mammography, radiography).

    So, to summarize, the best explanation for the hyperbolic growth in a destructive politics of neoliberal capitalism, and for example iatrogenic harms due to over-diagnosis, lies in psycho-political theory based on the ideas of Marx and Lacan. These suggests all human thinking is necessarily ideological. That it, the values we hold as ‘normal’, and take for granted, are those absorbed in childhood via our cultural norms. And today these are predominantly the values of free market capitalism with its competition, greed, narcissism and violence polluting the global psyche en masse. In certain psychoanalytic theory (Lacan) the individual’s identity or sense of self, it’s ‘I’, is the consequence of the child’s need to escape its lack of identity with which it emerges into the world. And it can only escape this intolerable subjective lack or void by turning to the command and language of a powerful other, by surrendering power to this figure, to gain identity through the acquisition of certain socially normative values, at the expense of other values which are rendered unknown or unconscious. The usual human state is one of being neurotic – in the sense that this identity always only feels partial, resulting in a constant desire for affirmation though more subservience or, in a more hysterical mode of subjectivity, to question the voice of normative power and to seek other powerful voices. The key point here being that the human must always have a voice of power to listen to and to be watched by in order to sustain even a minimum of identity (subjectivity or sense of self).

    Having got this far we should return to the relevance of this ideas and theories to the basis and praxis of EBM, or other proposed complex models for determining how knowledge should guide public health care. The relevance is that a) current models are, contradictorily, already being ideological by denying ideology by denying the psyche is constructed to have certain conscious values by the social structure of capitalism that expose lack, create desire, which leads to an apparently autonomous demand to be able to consume products such as anticipatory diagnostic healthcare screening; and b) this denial enables the continued hyperbolic proliferation of techniques for marketing mass diagnostic screening methods; and c) perversely, (a term I use advisedly), even enables scientists to use the dogma of EBM, and it’s reliance on experimental empiricism (and it’s gold standard, the RCT) to critique policies to reduce the spread of Covid through eg mask mandates or economic lockdowns such as closing theatre and cinema and parks and advising work from home etc. This is a tendency by a right-wing individualist-libertarian trend that is consistent with an extreme idealist philosophy that claims that not only is the individual autonomous of social structure but: a) the individual’s thoughts can be considered just, as if not more, valuable than otherwise empirical evidence for determining knowledge to justify action to tackle ‘chosen’ (for their surplus profit and power potential) particular problems; and b) the pursuit of the (superior and most evolutionary useful and productive) thoughts of powerful elites to guide political actions is by definition progressive and advantage for nature and humanity (even if it means destruction of large swathes if the world and its populations). There is an interesting conundrum that emerges – it is as if the EBM enthusiasts are using a preference for experimental empiricism to further the project of individual libertarianism which actually values elite and individual thought as the best empirical guide to political policy.

  • Why asymptomatic medical diagnostic screening should be stopped

    The USA audience may be even more smitten by the assumption of sovereign individualism than the UK. The scientific-technological relationship to consumerism and individual choice touches on matters of life and death when it comes to asymptomatic medical diagnostic screening programmes such as, most notably, the breast cancer screening programmes. These have been challenged on evidential scientific grounds by such reputable figures as Michael Baum who has called for such screening to be stopped (ref). Perhaps some may be surprised that such challenges have met with such little response – indeed the programmes are being extended to wider age groups rather than reduced. One of the foundations of medical ethics is the idea of freedom of choice for the individual. And rightly so. And a lot of work (including by me in the past) has gone into trying to maximize patient autonomy over decision making by ensuring information given is as user friendly and unbiased as possible. And rightly so.

    However, and this is the crux. The premise of these efforts is that proactively offering the screening intervention is a good thing. UK government sponsored ‘Independent’ reviews have concluded, because a) they show that screening reduces specific cancer deaths; and b) that the harms, including overdiagnosis, are known about and quantifiable and therefore can be communicated to the public, that (breast cancer) screening is a good thing. And in general this has been the thinking for most non-targeted asymptomatic anticipatory diagnostic screening.

    Just here I will make a small diversion to consider over diagnosis, as an unusual type of harm that perversely is used to promote screening, and yet confuses many, and cannot be adequately valued by many individuals for the harm that it is.

    Overdiagnosis / this concept deserves some attention.

    First, because knowledge and quantification of overdiagnosis is, somewhat counter-intuitively, used as justification for continuing with proactive screening programmes. (This is on the ground that as long as the public are told ‘the facts’ then people will be free and able to make their own kind up about whether to accept ‘invitations’ (read as compelling demands) to be screened). Of course, life is more complicated than that, and over-diagnosis certainly is. There are two things to know about the concept of over-diagnosis: the first is that it is due to the (necessary) failure of technology to identify a clear distinct borderline between bodily functions/tissues that are ‘normal’ – in the sense that the tissue will not become pathological (literally, cause suffering) and ‘abnormal’ – tissue that is predicative of, (assures with certainty) a symptomatic pathological future. This is because at the borderline the futures of these visually ambiguous and borderline bodily functions and tissues are under the unpredictable whim of random molecular processes. What looks to have carcinogenic potential is just as likely to have an asymptomatic future. This means that asymptomatic screening must always run into misdiagnosis at the frontier between the normal and the pathological. This failure leads to diagnoses of future symptomatic cancer that are simply wrong, a mis-diagnosis. This is overdiagnosis and leads to over and unnecessary treatment causing net harm to health.

    Second, note that overdiagnosis as a phenomenon can only be inferred from the comparison of cancer diagnoses and symptomatic cancer outcomes between screened and non screened groups. In this sense whilst it is real enough it is also as far as any personal experience is concerned, an abstract concept. This is how public health policy makers can get away with not valuing the scale of over-diagnosis in calculations considering whether screening is a good thing (because no individual can stand up and say “Look, I’ve been over diagnosed and had an unnecessary mastectomy!”). This renders over-diagnosis a strange non-valuable, in a healthcare sense, (though profitable) harm as far as the market and its tool: pragmatic public health policy, is concerned. This, in turn, also means that for many (not all) individuals over diagnosis is a confusing concept that cannot adequately be taken into account when making decisions. Of course, for some the knowledge of the existence of overdiagnosis can be sufficient to lead to a refusal to be screened, or anger if insufficient information on over-diagnosis was made available at the time screening was being ‘offered’. This is a digression into the idea of over-diagnosis, that isn’t necessarily a deal-breaker as far as screening is concerned, but in my view adds to the reasons why asymptomatic non-targeted screening should be stopped. The main reason, as elaborated below, being its fundamentally and effectively anti-democratic and coercive nature as a fear inciting commodity in an uncaring free market dominated by capitalism’s demands for new and surplus profits.

    So, now, bearing in mind the phenomenon of over-diagnosis as an especially elusive and malevolent kind of harm, we can return to the key questions for screening programmes.

    First, what if there was genuine uncertainty about the overall benefits of such screening programmes, in terms of their ability to reduce overall all-cause mortality. After all, Baum has convincingly argued that both plausibly and evidentially, screening and treatment both can cause harm, including deaths, in their own right, and this is why overall mortality reduction due to cancer screening has not been demonstrated.

    Second, what if the first principle of care should be to maximize patient autonomy over and above the targeted reduction in specific cancer deaths?

    And, third, what if it could be demonstrated that even the proactive offer of such screening fatally undermines patient autonomy?

    My argument now follows and combines the lines of thought of both Karl Marx and Jacques Lacan the French psychoanalyst. The key issue to keep an eye on here is the implication for individual freedom of choice.

    For Marx, the capitalist system of waged employment to generate surplus value (profits) for business owners, manages to mystify and make invisible the lack of freedom for the worker (who MUST work to live), whose labour is effectively forced from him, stolen and used to generate value of our production that exceeds the cost of wages. This mystification of the exploitation of labour makes it seem as if profits can generated as if requiring virtually no effort at all on the part of the business owners, other than to employ people. Clearly a simple view but essentially true nonetheless.

    This gets even more interesting when we introduce a psychoanalytic perspective. Following Lacan, then, who followed Freud: three key things: first, our individual sense of identity, our Ego, is formed within and constrained by cultural norms; second, this sense of identity is always only ever partial, creating a desire to either question, or please our cultural masters; and third, the capitalist system has profoundly affected the cultural Master and its norms – by creating a capitalist/consumerist culture capitalism has largely replaced culturally generated norms with the idea of surplus value itself. This has disrupted the sense of identity held in common by the masses so that we are predominantly driven by the desire for more, always expressly hungry for more and always more or less dissatisfied with what we have. We become the puppets of the system, of the market and advertisers who in turn are also controlled, and turned into mechanical tools of the system which demands competition, winners and losers, and ignores human suffering. This system also exploits the imaginary certainties of the mechanical utopian philosophies of science and the subject of science who is taken to be fully self aware, to have a whole unitary unassailable identity as a sovereign individual in control of his own decision-making and destiny.

    The combination of a) the objectivisation of the human into a mechanism to exploit human and natural labour for the bottomless pit of human desire for more; b) the psychologisation of the human as a unitary autonomous atomic sovereign individual by neuron and psychological sciences; and c) the assumption that science can know the truth about nature including human ‘nature’ and the body’s future, all combine to incite the production of a totalitarian perverse psyche over-excited by the fantasy of being in control, of being the one to win, to own, to beat and to conquer the other losers, foreigners, competition, victims. This is brutally xenophobic and exploited by populist nationalist elitist and racist politics.

    Unfortunately medical practice has been profoundly damaged by these processes. The result is that what seems like a philanthropic well-meaning offer to test the asymptomatic for signs of anticipated future disease and all that goes with that, has become a tool of capitalist, nationalist and apparently pragmatic business philosophies. But at the time has involved the oppressive exploitation of the consumerist desires and guilt of the masses using fear of future disease, the promises of more (surplus) life, of more (surplus) time with loved ones and so on.

    Simply put then, in the end, given the equipoise over therapeutic benefit (let alone all-cause mortality reduction), the unavoidable and profound bias invoked by offers to screen, the in-sensible invisible nature of over-diagnosis, and the primacy of democratizing decision making to maximize autonomy; then the most ‘ethical’ way forward (that does the least harm) is to stop offering non-targeted asymptomatic anticipatory diagnostic screening. There should be a moratorium; debate over how or whether to target screening to high risk groups and whether it is medically unacceptably unethical to agree to screen somebody not at increased risk of disease.

    This is clearly an authoritarian stance, but a lesser of two evils, as it is, I claim, less authoritarian than exposing the masses to the fear induced exploitative provocation of proactive asymptomatic anticipatory diagnostic screening programmes.

    Discussion

    The account above is an intervention that creates a new and disruptive discourse around asymptomatic diagnostic screening. It is a critique from the perspective on the human whose essence is one of a lack of a complete sense of individual identity constructed within normative cultural constraints and has taken three factors into account: a) effective truth, exercised by b) political power, to create c) an ethos or ethics of pragmatic action in the name of targets productive of surplus-value. It does not claim to be promoting a good of some kind, but rather to be promoting a lesser evil.

    The context for the intervention is the culture of deregulated capitalism. The ethics discussed apply to an intervention affecting individual rather than social or communitarian health outcomes, for example screening for things like cancers, hypertension, coronary artery disease risk, diabetes, depression etc. So, one caveat is that my argument does not extend to asymptomatic diagnostic screening for infectious conditions – such as Covid. This is because in this case an argument can be made for encouraging individual sacrifice (for example, in terms of freedom of movement and socialization) for the sake of, or in order to protect, vulnerable members of the community.

  • Identifying with or following the law: the totalitarian psyche and the extraordinary slaves

    As a rule self-sense is constituted via the imagined demand of a Big Other to follow the Big Other’s (or symbolic Father’s) Law. This constitution involves what in psychoanalytic terms is called castration. It enables the individual to achieve a degree of stability for identity and to be able to repress his knowledge that in reality, at base, he is without identity: a subjective void.

    As a rule one follows the law, but as Vadolas has suggested it may be possible for some, with a totalitarian psyche, to identify with the law

    To identify with the Law: is to think that one’s self, in one’s being, IS the Law, and this excludes the role of the imagined (lacking) Other/Father/Master in constructing the sense of self or identity.

    But when this Law is fascist/sociopathic, is decreed by a Master of Fascism (the ‘ideal-type’ narcissist), then identification with this law produces the Totalitarian psyche. What’s at stake here is a) following a Law, versus b) being that Law.

    Two questions:

    1. What is the implication for the discourse structure for the individual – in the social context where this Law has effects?

    2. Is this the same for the perverse narcissistic psyche?

    To BE the Law, and to reject castration, (is to confront the death drive and it’s void and the danger of the (m)other). This isn’t a simple perversion as it were (if this isn’t a misnomer) because the totalitarian psyche is given the Law to follow – he is a follower. He does not make the Law up for himself. He may believe his thoughts to be as good as empirical evidence for determining particular effective truths and therefore for determining actions to serve those truths – that is, he may be a radical empiricist/pragmatist.

    Whilst there may be classical slaves for totalitarianism, those who are uneasy but still obey the totalitarian law; conversely the totalitarian psyche may have a perverse psyche that identifies with the Totalitarian Master’s Law and could be described as an extraordinary-slave. These totalitarian followers or extraordinary slaves of totalitarianism would be the ones that appears to have no doubt or uneasiness, to be dogmatic and certain and over zealous, to always go a destructive step further and always seem to ‘enjoy’ destruction and for destruction to spur them on to even great destruction. I don’t know if this level of extremism is a rarity or not. This psyche does not think but only is. He is where he does not think, as Lacan pointed out. This means he is not amenable to reason or argument, and (perhaps like the psychotic) may not be analyzable. Imagination does not play a role in the constitution of his psyche. Classically the Law he follows consists of extreme levels of destructive racism, ultra-nationalism, patriotism and/or religiosity.

    The Master-Fascist may, perhaps, NOT be a perverse narcissist. But also may be. He may also be a libidinal, classical, Master

  • Who or what demands war?

    In this tweet,

    related to this very interesting article from 2014:

    Mr Peter Hitchens refers to ‘certain utopians’ wishing to create war in Europe today, 2022:

    This seems to speak to the question of the causes behind the escalating war in Europe today, 2022. I argue here that by laying the blame at the door of ‘certain utopians’ he leaves something out? I suggest that the key driver for the creation of war today is an out of control capitalism that has both a) given Fascist Masters power; and b) captured the social psyche: creating a self-destructive narcisssitic perverse monster.

    Whilst he (justifiably and importantly) implies human choice and agency, albeit of a utopian kind, he doesn’t mention the systemic causes driving the drift to extreme right-wing politics and the demand for more war.

    This systemic cause is, (following Marx and Lacan), capitalism and its incitement to limitless barbarism and the totalitarian social psyche. This incitement operates through the irresistible lure of surplus-value (of many kinds including financial, but more of everything), as if for free, an illusion offered by the capitalist model of the exploitation of waged Labour, that triggers a radical shift in the operation of the psyche into an unbearable narcissism.

    This narcissistic turn in the masses, conditions the masses to accept, and even desire and find a kind of pleasure in, the hate-speech used by Fascist Masters (who abound in right-wing politics today) to incite hatred of all kinds.

    This capitalist power and it’s supremacist arrogance demands violent surplus-value: more war and destruction of what is deemed an alien threat to ‘our way of life’. This destructive drive consummates and consumes (Mura), feeding the demand for an always de-compensating, hypertrophic and self-destructive libidinal excitement.

    So what?

    Doesn’t this mean that today, to be effective, any anti-war movement must also be anti-capitalism. It must act against capitalism and its reactionary progress towards self destruction. Even though this will lead to a continuing battle between left and right.

    I have no confidence that an anti capitalist movement will succeed, I think things have gone too far. However, if mankind survives these cataclysmic times it feels better to speak out and resist the barbaric drives even if, like the Dissenters and Levellers we fail. The middle classes criticize but Fascist minded governments stop listening – this is not the sign of a happy society.

  • On Covid Vaccine Mandates 2022

    In summary, I argue here that, perhaps surprisingly, Covid vaccine mandates, (laws, for example, that say health and care-home workers must be vaccinated in order to be allowed to do their work), are a thin end of a discriminatory and authoritarian wedge that open an ideological pathway to belief in the same kind of nationalist myths, promoted by Nazi Germany, that mandated enforced sterilization, and euthanasia of the elderly and disabled in the 1930s.

    Background

    In the UK, and in other countries during 2021, there has been a push for Covid vaccines to be mandatory for staff in health and care settings.

    On the one hand, some argue Covid vaccine mandates would protect vulnerable patients and care home residents, while others argue such a government imposed mandate would breach a long standing public health, ethical, stance, that respects individual autonomy over personal bodily interventions that involve personal risk. At the moment such a mandate is not being put into practice in the UK, although the policy is still under review and may change, but in some countries, such as Austria, there is now such a mandate.

    To begin with we should try to clarify two things: a) the difference between freedom of speech and freedom to act upon self or others; and b) regarding bodily autonomy, the difference in terms of the body’s internal workings as distinct from the body’s actions on the external world.

    Freedoms

    So, first, we need to be clear on the difference between a freedom to express a view (free speech) as contra-posed to a freedom to discriminate against others through actions. The latter is a form of xenophobia (an example is provided below) that incites hateful violence against minority groups.

    Second, we also need to bear in mind the difference between personal bodily autonomy vis à vis the internal workings of one’s body as contra-posed to a bodily autonomy that refers to actions taken by that body, for example, behaviours such as seat-belt wearing.

    Bodily autonomy

    For adults: “Bodily” means anything that involves the internal workings of the body that affects personal health (in Canguihelm’s sense – the ability to maximize potential for functioning) and the idea of “autonomy” as used here refers to something that is as a result of a personal decision.

    Of course the idea of personal decision making is problematic as we are, and our imaginary identities are, an amalgam of personal vs cultural identities. But I won’t explore this further here.

    The idea of “bodily” here, is limited to its internal workings and excludes its (the body’s) material actions on the external world (eg fighting) whilst recognizing that, for example, taking anabolic steroids, a personal bodily decision, affects the metabolism and personal health AND may lead to aggressive behaviour towards others, a social action.

    Vaccine Mandates

    In summary, to reiterate, such mandates are a thin end of a wedge that opens an ideological path to belief in the same kind of nationalist myths held by Nazi Germany that mandated enforced sterilization and euthanasia of the elderly and disabled.

    I argue that where there is personal risk of harm from vaccines. involved there should be a red line for medicine: this is because preventive interventions always carry risk of harms that cannot be valued adequately, such as over-treatment (and for tests, over-diagnosis), they are over-sold/hyped leading to fear which incites desire felt as an imperative demand, whilst generating surplus profit and power.

    Bodily autonomy and Ideology:

    An example

    The following example is intended to illustrate how confusing free speech with freedoms to act socially highlights how vaccine mandates are a freedom to act socially that discriminates against a social grouping. In the case of vaccine mandates what is at stake is a) the freedom to have a personal belief; and b) autonomy over decision making with respect to the body itself.

    Fundamentalist Christian groups follow a socialized normative belief that claims homosexuality is a sin. Followers of this ideology have tried to weaponise the principle of free speech in order to legitimize discrimination against gays on the basis, NOT of speech, but of actions, namely a refusal to sell or serve gays in shops.

    A case in point is where gays were refused service by a baker to buy a wedding cake in a Christian evangelists cake shop because the owner believes their sexuality is a sin.

    The court ruled in favor of the Christian fundamentalists but ONLY on narrow technical grounds (insufficient impartiality on part of the commission ruling the bakers actions unlawful).

    The court arguing:

    “any decision in favor of the baker would have to be sufficiently constrained, lest all purveyors of goods and services who object to gay marriages for moral and religious reasons in effect be allowed to put up signs say­ing ‘no goods or services will be sold if they will be used for gay marriages,’ something that would impose a serious stigma on gay persons.”

    I suggest that any apparent “Free speech” that expresses discrimination against personal choice re bodily autonomy should be against the law as it amounts to socialized discrimination on the basis of personal belief of the ‘other’. It’s a tactic to claim this is a freedom of choice for the owner of the store; just as it is a tactic to claim that vaccine mandates is a form of freedom for the vulnerable in health and care settings. When, in fact, it’s is a form of universalized social discrimination – to refuse work to somebody on the basis of their beliefs or lifestyle. .

    The argument that the unvaccinated pose a risk to the vulnerable in care fails when a) it is known that even the vaccinated have waning immunity and can be re infected, and b) more importantly, the primacy of personal bodily autonomy protects us all, even the vulnerable – and remember the vulnerable under Nazi-style fascism suffered enforced sterilizations and euthanasia. This is an extreme example but illustrates why vaccine mandates should be a red line the health and caring professions should not cross.

  • UK-State propaganda: Foreign Tryanny, ‘whataboutery’, and anti-capitalism

    “Arthur Li, the chair of @HKUniversity Executive Council told @BBCNewshour that he cannot call the Tiananmen “events” a massacre because he wasn’t there to verify it. I assume, by the same logic, that he cannot call the Nanjing “events” a massacre either? Beijing’s trumpet”

    (https://twitter.com/JEyal_RUSI/status/1474069005694603266?s=20)

    A tweet 23/12/2021 by an associate director of RUSI (UK’s Royal United Services Institute).

    This short blog was written before Russia invaded China. It is prescient in the sense that it already warns us of the west’s sophistry and hypocrisy when it comes to manipulating reality in order to massage public sentiment with false but effective truths. It reveals the cycle of mutual antagonism caused by these lies, and the failure to acknowledge and value these as harmful to global (and therefore western) security. I am not an expert on geopolitics or international relations but I can see the lies covering the west’s imperial and criminal past and present in the way it supports regimes like Israel and Saudi Arabia. And I can see how these sustain the cycle of antagonism leading to more violence. The manipulation of historical realities to whitewash western crimes is in itself anti-democratic – it manipulates the representation of political values and deceives the meanings and sense held-in-common by the masses.

    In short, a comment by a senior security think tank executive accused a politician of being deceitful about the truth of the massacre of Tianneman Square. And accused the politicians of being a trumpet for Beijing. Of course we should know the truth of the massacre. However, at the same time such think tank executives act as trumpets for, for example, Saudi Arabia and Israel, by covering up their massacres, by being silent about them and by encouraging them with the supply of money and arms. To point this out leads to accusations of ‘whataboutery’ as an attempt to point to a ‘as if’ disconnected observation to discredit the speaker as it were.

    However I suggest that so-called ‘whataboutery’ is an important and relevant observation signaling the need to admit the anti-democratic and dangerous manipulations of truth being exercised by the Western powers and that these are in themselves a danger to global security.

    So, to return to my response to the above tweet.

    Subsequently, when I pointed out that similar criticisms could be made of other regimes that attempt to erase massacres or genocides from history, such as Turkey and the Armenian genocide, and Israel and the Nakba, for example see “Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs” this was effectively dismissed and characterized by Eyal as ‘whataboutery’.

    But, I suggest, this point would only be ‘whataboutery’ if the original critic is also just as willing to critique these other revisionists. It seems pretty clear from the analyses I cite and arguments I produce below that my point is not ‘whataboutery’ because there is a political bias within the western establishment and its security advisors.

    For context RUSI’s “RUSI’s mission is to further independent debate on defence and security in the United Kingdom and across the wider world.”

    This isn’t a critique of RUSI in general, but explores the potential implications of Eyal’s tweet for the way it addresses “defense and security”.

    The implication I draw from this is based upon the failure of Eyal to acknowledge the sophistry of, for example, Israeli-zionist deniers of the Nakba (catastrophe) inflicted upon the indigenous Palestinian population by Jewish-zionist terrorists in the 1950s (aided and abetted by the British). It is only an implication but has more weight when past analysis of RUSI’s output is considered.

    For example see: “Why is the BBC presenting RUSI as objective analysts of the Middle East?” From 2015. This analysis points to the importance of sensitivity to the way security debates are framed, how this framing may ensure a partisan state-sponsored outlook at the expense of objectivity, and of the harms being caused by military interventions by western ‘Allies’.

    The implication, then, not surprisingly, is this: that a self-identified independent think tank on British security in reality does analyses from the perspective of the western powers and NATO. But why does this matter?

    On a softer, less certain note, it is important to ask whether this kind of manipulation works to reduce rather than increase global security.

    This matters: a) because it shows how so-called facts are being manufactured (as effective truths) by so-called liberal democracies to manipulate the mood, ‘atmospherics’ and public sentiment in order to ensure policies are publicly acceptable; and b) because the manipulation of truth, and of so-called ‘public sentiment’ is essentially anti-democratic. For example, it ensures public opinion, on things like the decision to attack Iraq, or to support Saudi military attacks in Yemen, is based on an unrepresentative, narrow and ultimately misleading perspective.

    For example, support of a so-called western ally such as the Israeli-State, may serve to stimulate military aggression to undermine democracies globally, because Israel, despite its relatively small physical size, is a disproportionately powerful global marketeer of military technologies, as described in detail by Halper in his book: “War Against the People: Israel, the Palestinians and Global Pacification”.

    So, there is a potential domestic threat to domestic security and democracy in the name of promoting western and global security.

    This raises the question of the basis of contemporary geopolitical alliances and antagonism.

    To what extent are these based on, for example, a) perceived threats from (selective) ideologies of failed-states or tyrannical (Islamic) regimes (but, contradictorily, not some others); or on b) a perceived need to ensure things like energy (oil, gas, electric) security that depends on other nation-states, including perceived antagonists (threats to energy security) such as Russia and China. How valid are the accepted truths of western security regimes under the banner of organizations such as NATO?

    To what extent are these manufactured effective-truths self-fulfilling, because the inherent antagonisms assumed by those truths, and the biased manipulation of public sentiment, actually aggravate backsliding anti-democratic tendencies, and provoke aggression from other global actors.

    The problem, of course, is that other nation-states practice the same self-fulfilling anti-democratic manipulations, provoking the same transnational aggressions. So we seem to be stuck in a cycle.

    One solution, ultimately appears if we view most nation-state policy as driven by corporatism and the pursuit of effectively unregulated (at transnational or infra national levels) capitalism. This solution may be found, in the longer term, in current anti-capitalist trends.

    To finish off then,: what is the most plausible explanation for the “whataboutism” response to my observation that historical revisionism has been practiced by many nation-states, including Israel with respect to the Nakba and not just China with respect to Tianneman square?

    I would argue that the “whataboutery” response stems from, a possibly unconscious, awareness that RUSI’s culture is inherently biased towards western imperial expansionist intentions and targets, and itself practices sophistry and manipulates public opinion in anti-democratic ways. And, that this is itself a threat to global security.